Re-branding Of PAS: The Real Challenges

Article
by Lim Guan Eng  

(Petaling Jaya, Tuesday): The recent PAS muktamar in Kelantan on 3-5 June, which saw the defeat of old ulamas and the election of a new Deputy President Nasharuddin Md Isa, two new Vice-Presidents, Husam Musa and Mohd Sabu and other first-timer Central Executive members, has been drummed up some quarters as a watershed not only for PAS but also for Malaysian politics. Such sentiments were due to the election of not just a younger set of leaders, but also with a perceived liberal outlook.

Politics is about perception. Through its own errors and omission, PAS had allowed the government-controlled media to easily brand it as extremist, inflexible, arrogant and misogynistic in its obsessive pursuit of an Islamic State agenda without regard to the feelings of non-Muslim and moderate Muslims.

Notwithstanding the obvious failings of UMNO, non-Muslim voters were so alienated from PAS that they would unhesitatingly punish any party associated with PAS. Malaysians were frightened that PAS pose a threat to their way of life economically, socially, politically and their religious freedom.

This negative branding was frequently cited as the principal cause of PAS debacle in the 2004 general elections. There is no doubt that the electoral debacle has left a deep wound in PAS psyche, similar in scale to DAP’s own devastating loss in the 1999 general elections. PAS’ wakil rakyats were decimated from its previous 27 Parliamentary seats to only 6 and from 98 to 36 state seats. Further, PAS not only lost state power in Terengganu but almost lost its impregnable bastion of Kelantan.

PAS’ response is the election of younger, humbler and liberal leaders more attuned to the sensitivities of non-Muslims and moderate Muslims. The re-branding of PAS has begun – to turn PAS into a truly national party acceptable to both Muslims and non-Muslims alike that could compete again with UMNO.

Some cynical observers may dismiss the re-branding of PAS as an act of desperation to recover lost ground following such a devastating loss. A more charitable view is that PAS is ready and willing to learn from its mistakes, much as DAP learnt its mistake of being branded with PAS in the 1999 general elections by withdrawing from BA to reinforce DAP’s long-held principle of uncompromising opposition to the establishment of an Islamic theocracy.

Any efforts towards moderation should be encouraged. A PAS that accepts that it has to take into account the sentiments of non-Muslims and moderate Muslims is a positive step towards social inclusion. A PAS that sees itself as a national political party and not a religious movement would also help to marginalize religious extremism in Malaysia.

The same cynic may however point out that such re-branding is merely cosmetic in nature; a mere change of clothes instead of the jubah, PAS leaders wear the Western suit. Fundamentally PAS remains unmoved from its goal of an Islamic theocracy. That this re-branding is merely a clever political ploy to maximize political support by refraining from making offensive statements such as the dreaded hudud in preference for a charm offensive that can smooth over and mask its real Islamic state agenda.

After all as the cynic may conclude, Haji Hadi Awang, who represents the PAS raison d’etre of establishing an Islamic state theocracy in Malaysia and the implementation of the hudud law, is still the President of PAS. Kelantan Menteri Besar Nik Aziz still continues to endorse bannings of entertainment events, and  punishment of sinners by whipping (for intoxication), stoning to death (for adultery) and amputation (for stealing). In other words, the re-branding of PAS is all about style over substance.

Such criticisms of the re-branding of PAS as merely style over substance are harder to dismiss. Leaders with integrity and ability matter but correct policies bringing about nation-building, good governance and economic prosperity matter much more. PAS has to take concrete steps to prove that the leadership changes in the recent Muktamar are not just a generational change but a real change in substantive terms as well. In other words the re-branding that matters is one of substance more than style.

To do so, PAS has to allay fears that it is not the old PAS wearing new clothes. But a new PAS that represents the national aspirations of both the non-Muslims and Muslims alike for justice, equal opportunity, economic progress, freedom, and peace. PAS has to convince Malaysians that it does not threaten their way of life nor intrude on their lifestyle but can make their standard of living better.

Whilst many Malaysians do not dispute that PAS leaders are cleaner, more honest and accountable than UMNO leaders, the fact remains that many Malaysians feel more comfortable and less threatened by UMNO. This comfort zone enjoyed by UMNO has made many Malaysians unquestioningly prefer UMNO despite its poor track record on widespread corruption and human rights abuses.

For the re-branding of PAS to succeed, PAS must bow to the political reality that an Islamic state is not acceptable to a vast majority of Malaysians, both Muslim and non-Muslim. Further their rhetoric of moderation must be matched with action to thwart UMNO from using PAS as the bogey to win by default.

For instance PAS must realize that its protestations that the hudud applies to Muslims and not non-Muslims does not impress non-Muslims who view the cutting of hands and stoning to death as inhumane. As Malaysians, non-Muslims have a right to refuse to permit their country to sanction laws that inflict such harsh punishment, even when they are not affected.

To lessen the hostility and fear of non-Muslims, PAS must address their concerns which include a commitment:-

1.    To uphold the Malaysian Constitution as the supreme law of the land and respect democratic values that gives every Malaysian citizen equal and equitable rights;

2.    To concede that an Islamic state is not appropriate for a multi-racial and multi religious Malaysia.

A good starting point is the original 1957 Merdeka Federal Constitution that fathered our nation. Before subsequent numerous amendments altered its spirit and character, the original Merdeka Constitution conceived in liberty and freedom as well as imbued with the ideals of democracy, rule of law, justice and equality is still widely accepted by Malaysians.

Restoring the original 1957 Merdeka Constitution could be the new force and platform of unity amongst all Malaysians. There is a Chinese saying that one needs to move backwards just to go forward. This is the sad state of Malaysian democracy that to move forward we have first to move backwards by reverting back to the original 1957 Merdeka Constitution.

National interests demands that we put aside self-interest to revive the inspiration behind the 1957 Merdeka Constitution to forge a united nation; where democracy and economic development go together, where freedom does not mean oppression, where equality of opportunity is preferred to equality of outcome, where rule of law ensures social justice; where wealth creation must be accompanied by equitable wealth distribution and where spreading economic prosperity does not breed rampant corruption.

(13/07/2005)