The first step to tackling school violence is acknowledging that school violence is caused by systemic failure, rather than moral decay.
The “moral decay” lens is shortsighted and favours punitive action over prevention. It obscures real problems: lack of comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) and mental health support, overstretched educators and parents, and the tendency to sweep things under the rug. For too long, our society has valued compliance over courage, rankings over reform, and prestige over protection at the expense of women and children.
Security theatre does not guarantee safer schools
When a school shooting occurs in the US, the aftermath plays like a broken record. First, shock. Then, calls denouncing gun violence, attempts to scapegoat (mental illness and vulnerable minorities are convenient targets), and “thoughts and prayers”. Metal detectors, armed guards, and active-shooter drills are sold as solutions while lobby groups and the politicians they fund stall meaningful gun reform.
Malaysia must look at nuanced and evidence-based solutions instead of blanket bans based on “back in my day” opinions. We must resist the “hardening” of schools. Passing through the school gate should bring enthusiasm, not trigger the anxiety felt at a security checkpoint. CCTVs collect evidence and act as a deterrent, but they cannot cover every corner. Constant police presence is logistically unfeasible in the long-term. As it is, policing manpower is insufficient against population needs. A 2023 US report found that metal detectors had minimal impact on security and were costly, time-consuming, and negatively impacted students’ perception of safety.
Meanwhile, global evidence on smartphone bans in schools is mixed. We must also factor in (smart)phones being the main mode of communication as children travel between school and after-school activities, with both parents working and payphones extinct. In emergencies, parents will want to reach their kids instantly.
Beyond abstinence: what we don’t teach, the internet will
The Kedah and Malacca gang rapes did not occur in a vacuum. By age 12, many Malaysian children have been exposed to explicit material online. The rise of hardcore porn, which leans into aggression, coercion and degradation, warps perceptions of intimacy and increases risky behaviour which predominantly endangers women. Rape enablers live among us. An X user screenshot disgusting comments requesting links of the Malacca video on an Astro Awani Tiktok where Education Minister Fadhlina Sidek warned against spreading those exact videos.
Findings on adolescent sexual behaviours and Malaysiakini’s excellent piece should signal the end of the abstinence-only approach. While abstinence may be the first line of protection against underage/premature sexual encounters, delaying CSE risks girls’ safety and leaves boys vulnerable to misogynistic radicalisation.
Earlier this year, I wrote about the manosphere, which packages distorted ideas of masculinity and gender as “self-improvement” and “traditional values”. Feminism is seen to unfairly weaken men; relationships are framed as a game of control and dominance.
Incel (“involuntary celibate”) culture springs from the rage of men thinking that women owe them sex or affection. While the manosphere promotes resentment over loss of superiority, incel culture promotes despair and dehumanisation of women. The underlying thinking shifts, from “women are unfair” to “women deserve punishment”.
Why this distinction matters: not everyone who stumbles into manosphere content becomes an incel, but self-reinforcing algorithms can turn curiosity into misinformed conviction and potentially, violence.
Action points
We cannot wait till 2027 for the new sex education module (PEERS).
- While PEERS is in development, MOE should coordinate a 2026 – 2027 national CSE rollout involving advocates already active in this space: bodies like the National Population and Family Development Board (LPPKN) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) Malaysia, NGOs, activists, and healthcare professionals. Religious sentiments do not necessarily have to conflict with CSE. Effective CSE recognises cultural sensitivity, and experienced advocates are more than ready to work with religious leaders.
- The Home Ministry and the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development (KPKWM) must begin collecting data on femicide, defined as intentional, gender-based killing of women and girls. In 2024, the Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO) highlighted its media monitoring results of femicide cases. Between January and August, 17 cases were reported; 60% were committed by partners (married and unmarried). If we do not document femicide along with other forms of gender-based violence (GBV), we will form incomplete intervention and protection strategies.
- Following the findings of the school safety audit, the Education Ministry and the Ministry of Health (MOH) must establish steps to expand and professionalise school counselling services. Increase the counsellor-to-student ratio (currently around 1:500) to at least 1:350. Counsellors must be trained in trauma-informed care and digital-age mental health, with emergency response protocols for sexual or violent incidents.
- Relook existing reporting mechanisms so that school violence is reported immediately. Many school administrators tend to self-censor or deal with matters in-house, for fear of an inquiry from the district or state education departments. We need to empower teachers, parents, and children so that things no longer get swept under the rug.
Reform, not “thoughts and prayers”
If we want safer schools, we must confront what our current systems enable, not just punish what they fail to prevent. As policymakers, our outlook must tend towards promoting knowledge and accountability, backed by evidence and empathy. Ultimately, it is not “moral decay” we must fight. It is moral courage we must find: to fix what is broken, to empower stakeholders, and to build schools where discipline grows from respect instead of fear.